Opinion & Commentary
Why China wants to win
Sending a man to the moon was once old news, but not anymore. A space race is occurring between Asia's giants - China, India, Japan and even South Korea - and China desperately wants to win. For the Chinese, it is not just about boasting rights. Being the first in Asia to send a man to the moon goes to the heart of Beijing's search for power and security.
It has been almost 40 years since Neil Armstrong led the Apollo 11 mission. Yet China and India - both countries with around 700 million people living on $2 a day or less - recently announced that they aim to have a man on the moon by 2020. Japan, which halted much of its space-exploration activities in the 1990s, has revived its ambitions and now talks about a moon mission with the same deadline. South Korea also recently threw its hat in the ring, with the same timeframe.
All this seems bizarre. After all, the cost of successful manned missions to the moon will be upwards of $100 million, with little economic payback. But Asia's giants have caught on that power comes in many forms. It is not just about capability.
Chinese leaders have revealed that they are desperate to win this race. Why does the prestige that comes from being the first Asian country to send a man to the moon matter so much?
First, there is national pride, which can serve as a unifying force. Staying unified and "big" is a fundamental goal of China's authoritarian regime. Being the first Asian country to send a man to the moon would be an enormous achievement; it would also enhance the reputation of the Communist Party in the eyes of the Chinese people.
Second, prestige enhances a nation's "soft power," which rests on the ability to influence and shape the preferences of others and is the pulling power of a country's culture, ideals and achievements. China's promotion of its 5,000-year-old culture is one illustration of soft power at play. The Beijing Olympics is another. Being the first in Asia to land a man on the moon would add to that.
Third, the prestige that comes with success commands respect. Rising powers rarely feel secure unless they are accepted by other great powers. This is embedded in the consciousness of modern China, where memories of the country's historic fall from power in the 19th century remain profound.
Up to the 15th century, Chinese technological know-how was the most advanced in the world. China had the largest economy in the world for 1,800 of the past 2,000 years. As recently as 1820, it produced one-third of global output, and it remained the world's largest economy until 1885. Yet, since the 1840s, China has suffered what it sees as a series of humiliations at the hands of foreign powers: from the British, Japanese and Russians, as well as the Americans, who continue to protect Taiwan.
According to the prevalent Chinese interpretation of its history, foreign powers have stood ready to carve up China since the mid-1800s. They did so, not only because of expansionist greed, but because they had little respect for the greatness of its civilization. For many Chinese, the country's achievements over the 5,000 years gave it a mandate to dominate Asia based on its economic, cultural and technological authority. This authority was trampled upon by outside powers, and lost from the mid-19th century onwards. Even 30 years after Deng Xiaoping decided to enter the global system, China thinks of itself an outsider. President Hu Jintao recently asserted that "hostile foreign forces have not abandoned their conspiracy and tactics to Westernize China and to divide the country."
Growing its economic and military might - like firing missiles capable of taking down a satellite - is about demonstrating the country's capability. But establishing more than 260 Confucian Institutes in over 75 countries to teach the Chinese language and the Chinese interpretation of history and putting a man on the moon are about something else.
Despite talk about China's economic miracle and its great re-emergence, China remains an insecure power governed by an insecure regime. The Chinese Communist Party is seeking to convince the Chinese people that it is uniquely placed to return their country to greatness. Looking to the heavens and beating the rest of Asia by putting one of its own up there first is a key to China's search for security.
Dr John Lee is a Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies, his report ‘China’s Insecurity and Search for Power’, was released by CIS.
